| Historical notes: | Indigenous Occupation
The Bogan River running through Bogan forms the boundary between the Wongaibon to the east and the Nyaampiyaa to the west. Mitchell's favourable report lead to the expansion of settlers into the area. The Wongaibon and Nyaampiyaa were hostile to the invasion and after substantial loss of European life the Government ordered the settlers out of the area. European occupation in the adjacent districts reached sufficient density in 1850 to protect the return of settlers and suppress the traditional owners.
European History
The area around Nyngan was first explored by John Oxley in 1818. Further explorations were made by John Sturt in 1827-9 and Thomas Mitchell in 1831. Squatters, with both cattle and sheep, had taken up the land by this time. During the early period there were many absentee owners and cattle were more profitable than sheep, requiring less men to keep them. Markets were also better for cattle, with the goldfields of Victoria desperate for supplies of meat. After 1860, as permanent land rights were given and the price of wool rose, more owners came to lie on the land and sheep began to outnumber cattle. The area around Nyngan remained within large pastoral holdings until the 1880s that were only broken up with the event of the railway (Heritage Office 1996, p.80-1)
Nyngan, until 1883, had been a water reserve, which was the attraction that made it a stop for the new train line. Canonbar, a town 30 kilometres to the north of Nyngan, relocated to the site of the railway station. The railway allowed the town to grow quickly and by 1891 it was a municipality and in 1901 it had all necessities of a town (Heritage Office 1996, p83,85).
Even before the advent of the railway it seems settlers were increasing in the area. Long discussion on the placement of a cemetery culminated in the establishment of the Nyngan cemetery some time in the 1850s. The exact date is unclear as records for this early period are scarce (pers. com. Paul Walsh, Bogan Shire Council). The first recorded burial was in 1878, which may indicate that records were not kept or no longer exist for the earlier period.
Chinese in Nyngan
Many Chinese left China in the hope of earning a good living and supporting their families left behind. By 1861 there were 13,000 Chinese on New South Wales goldfields (Gilbert, 2005, 285). At the end of the Gold Rush many Chinese stayed on in Australia, finding employment in other industries. The Chinese were attracted to the Tamworth region by the discovery of gold in the 1850s. The deposits did not last long, but many Chinese remained in the area, migrating north in search of work. It is not clear when the Chinese community in Nyngan was established, but the oldest surviving grave marker dates to 1913. The main occupation for Chinese in Nyngan was timber-felling and ring-barking, especially mulga (Acacia aneura) and bimble box (Eucalyptus populnea); or clearing the land for farming and grazing. As in the other towns in western New South Wales market gardening was probably important too. Oral history suggests Chinese remained in the area until the 1950s as market gardeners, however, there is no longer a Chinese community in Nyngan.
Chinese Burial Practices
The Chinese saying "upon the roots of the tree rest falling leaves" expresses a desire to be buried near their home village and relatives. The proximity to relatives would allow them to burn offerings to the deceased's soul and complete the rites that could bring the family fortune. Conversely, if they were not performed correctly the family fortune could be damaged (Chinese Heritage of Australian Federation, 2003). Chinese living outside of China tried to followed similar burial rituals. As it was mainly single men who came to Australia, it was often not the family who managed the interment of the deceased. This caused variations to occur from place to place, however, basic core ritual and practice applied. When a Chinese person died overseas the ritual required steps be taken to restore the deceased to their home village in China (Abraham and Wegars, 2003:58-59).
The rituals aimed to familiarise the soul of the deceased with the Underworld and to do this the body was buried for around seven years. At this time the body was exhumed, the bones placed in an urn and then either returned to China or the bones reburied (Chinese Heritage of Australian Federation 2003). As the bones of deceased Chinese were usually exhumed, burials in Australia were usually shallow, approximately 500mm. Family name or village associations took on the responsibility of returning the deceased's bones to their home village for re-interment.
Chinese funerary rituals include presenting offerings to the deceased's spirit by descendants and burners were frequently constructed in cemeteries to enable this. They are often brick or masonry structures and usually around 2100 mm tall. They serve as a safe place for the ritualised burning of spiritual tributes, such as paper facsimiles of money, clothing, possessions and houses. Burning these items passes them to the spirit realm, and they are to serve the deceased in the after life. Burners range from the modest to elaborate. Many Chinese burners in Victoria are quite lavish in comparison to those in other localities (Abraham and Wegars, 2003: 62, 64-65).
There are other burners associated with Chinese cemeteries in Australia and overseas. The brick burner at Nyngan is, by Australian standards, at the functional and modest end of the spectrum (Jack, 1995:303). In New South Wales, examples of modest burners can be found in Tumut, Albury and Deniliquin, although these three burners display more complex brick work around the opening and vents than the Nyngan burner. The burner in closest geographical proximity to Nyngan is at Condobolin. Modest burners are also characteristic of Chinese cemeteries on the west coast of the United States of America and the Nyngan example bears a striking resemblance to those constructed in the Auburn Cemetery, California. There are grander examples of Chinese burners in Ballarat, Beechworth and Maldon in Victoria and Wagga Wagga in New South Wales, although the Wagga Wagga example pales in comparison with those in Victoria. The burner at Beechworth has two towers capped with high metal spires. The burner at Maldon cemetery is a triple domed burner in brick (Gilbert 2005, p.286-292). In all, five burners have been officially identified in New South Wales (Tumut, Albury, Deniliquin, Condobolin and Wagga Wagga). They are relatively rare, as many communities constructed burners from wood, covered in tar. Such structures are not durable, being susceptible to fire and rot.
According to local anecdotal evidence the burners at Nyngan and Condobolin were used for cooked (or cooking) food offerings. In the Condobolin High School report (1988), wine, rice, pork and cakes were named. This corresponds to Chinese grave practices reported in Hong Kong (Chow and Teather, 1998).
Altars and bone houses are other structures commonly found in Chinese cemeteries, although neither are present at Nyngan and no examples have been formally identified in New South Wales to date (Wagga Wagga Chinese cemetery does contain an altar, but it is of more recent construction, perhaps 1970s). Altars are predominantly in larger cemeteries and may be a generic marker for unmarked graves. Bone houses were constructed to store bones before transportation back to China in urns. Such structures may also provide an enclosed space for cleaning the bones (Abraham and Wegars, 2003:63).
Grave markers, as in European cemeteries, were important features of Chinese cemeteries to identify the deceased for those who came to disinter the bones and as a marker for the descendants practising ritual observances. The text on the marker has, as a minimum, the name of the individual, date of death and the name of the deceased's home village. The name is usually in the middle with the other details on either side. Women's graves were often unmarked, and in overseas communities some female remains were not exhumed (Abraham and Wegars, 2003:61, 66).
Stone is the most common material for grave markers in Australia in the nineteenth century, but concrete becomes increasingly common in the twentieth century. Wooden markers existed at some cemeteries in Australia, such as Rookwood, however they are vulnerable to fire and decay. Some Chinese graves in Australia have iron railings, such as Gladstone in Tasmania, however this was a rare luxury (Jack, 1995:302). Date and location play a role in the design of grave markers. Rectangular markers are the most common type in Australia, but there are variants such as curved or Norman tops (Jack, 1995:300-302). The collection of graves at Nyngan is rare as all the extant markers are of a traditional shape and style. Other Chinese cemeteries identified by the Chinese Australian Cultural Heritage Project (2005) either contained fewer markers or contained markers of a more European style.
Many overseas Chinese cemeteries exhibit feng shui characteristics, influencing their location and orientation. The layout of cemeteries implies order and purpose, however this may be obscured by neglect or vandalism. The markers at Beechworth and the old and new cemeteries at Ballarat in Victoria are all arranged in very neat rows. The nine Chinese grave markers at Nyngan Cemetery were not initially lined up in a row, but were randomly placed around the eastern area of the cemetery, north of the Presbyterian Section and West of the Catholic Section. Bogan Shire Council relocated the markers to their current location in the early 1990s and placed them in a row near the burner, similar to other Chinese cemeteries. The relocation of the markers may have been to create space for a new lawn cemetery to the east of the extant Chinese section.
Bogan Shire Council recorded the names and dates the ten extant grave markers in 1994. Carbon rubbings were taken and reduced to an A4 size sheet. They were then scanned and sent for translation by colleagues in Singapore (c/- Dr Kenson Kwok, Museum of Asian Civilization). Chen Jiazi and Regine Aw rendered the translations in 'Hanyu Pinyin' Romanisation (see Physical Description for a transcript). Nine markers date from 1914 to 1918. The final marker commemorates the death of No Wood on 23/6/1924. The 'tributes', such as poetry, were only in English (Barbara Hickson, 2005). Since the recording of the markers it has been reported that one has gone missing, although it is not clear which one.
Bogan Shire Council, as administrators of the Cemetery, hold a card system registry of burials, which has been computerised. The registry lists 13 names in the Chinese section: Al Chung (4/9/1920, 50 yrs), Wung Chung (10/10/1941, 65 yrs), Fang Dong (2/4/1928, yrs 61), Hay Kee (19/7/1923, yrs 67), Lui Key (19/7/1923, yrs 83), Ah Lui (27/5/1929, yrs 65), Ma Mong (22/9/1945, yrs 81), Day Ping (27/2/1921, yrs 69), Wong Quay (28/8/1929, yrs 61), Yee War (4/11/1952, yrs 100), Ah Wood (23/6/1924, yrs 68), Say Yee (1/7/1928, yrs 73) and Honb You (25/2/1945, yrs 76).
The burial of No Wood is the only marker that also occurs in the burial registry, under the name Ah Wood. The lack of correspondence between the English and Chinese name is probably due to the imperfect understanding of Chinese tones by the person devising the English version. There is also a strong possibility that the people concerned used the dialect versions of their Mandarin names (same character but different pronunciation).
Although the first recorded burial in the Nyngan Cemetery (in the Church of England Section) was in 1878, it appears that Chinese burials were not recorded until the death of Wood in 1924. Another possibility is that the markers that remain have had the bones exhumed and the card relating to the burial was removed from the registry at this time, although this begs the question of why the markers were left behind. The names listed in the registry, for which there are no markers, could have one of two explanations. The first is that the graves were unmarked or were marked with wood, which has rotten away. The second explanation is that these bodies were exhumed, but the record not deleted from the registry. A Ground Penetrating Radar survey would be able to clarify the status of these burials. It seems likely, however, that the record keeping for the Chinese section of the Cemetery was not fastidious. |
